Weed Cafe in Taiwan?

I doubt it. No lead via Flickr.

Videos: Korean Christian Evangelical Lovefest/Top 20 Billboards/Asteroid Sensation

This is what too much God and kim chi will do to you.



Bonus: The Top 25 songs of the year according to Billboard Magazine.



Yet Another Bonus! If an Asteroid Hit the Earth with Music by Pink Floyd. Clip of the Year? Perhaps.

IMDB Forum: Why Jews Can't Play Jews

I've just watched Adaptation, and then checked the IMDB site, and came across this fascinating discussion on
the Message Board about why "Jew's Can't Play Jews in Hollywood. If you're interested, it's a great piece with all kinds of opinions.

Thailand First Time Visitor

Photo by Carl Parkes

Sometimes we expats, farangs, and jaded Westerners forget about what a marvelous experience our first time in Thailand, so it's good to sometimes read the experiences of somebody else who is seeing the Kingdom for the first time. Remember your first time?

Update: Igor contacted me and informed me that he has been to Thailand many times, but wrote this short story for his high school students in Japan. Still, a nicely styled piece. Thanks, Igor.

I heard many interesting things about Thailand. That it is very warm, there are many beautiful beaches, lush green tropical jungles, and delicious food. Also, that the people are very friendly. But I guess the main reason why I chose Thailand for my vacation was that I had very little money to spend and I wanted to have fun.

I found me a cheap ticket on Air Thai that ran about 40,000 Yen and I took a train to Kansai airport to board the plane. I was kind of worried that I may not have enough funds to spend a week in Thailand. I only had 20,000 Yen and that would have to carry me over for the week. As the plane was landing I was thinking about how I would manage on such a tight budget. I got off the plane and proceeded through immigration. No questions asked I was given a 30 days visa on arrival.

I am in Thailand I said to myself. I was very happy to start my adventure. I was told that the cheapest and the most interesting place to stay in Bangkok was Khao San road. I decided to go there. I went to the taxi stand to get me a taxi and I was told that it would cost me 1,000 Yen to get there. I waited, if I am to enjoy Thailand with the money that I have I must be economical. So I decided to find ways that I can save money! I looked around and found another fellow traveler who was also looking to get to Khao San road. We got into the taxi and drove through a busy road onto our destination. Arriving on Khao San road we found ourselves surrounded by many people. There were older ladies pushing wagons with chicken kabobs, frying noodles with soybeans, a fruit seller cutting up a pineapple, peddlers with baskets full of things. There were many other travelers all around us. Young Thai people walking by were shopping for clothes from the street shops. The street was alive. It was great! But it was getting late and we needed to find a place to stay.

Igor the Troll Goes to Thailand

Tourism Slump in Thailand

Art by Chris Coles in Bangkok

I'm going out on a limb here, but I predict that international tourists memory is very short, and that arrivals will back up to speed within a few months. The doom and gloom folks are wrong, so this is probably a great time to visit Thailand and enjoy the cooler weather and escape the crowds at the popular tourist attractions.

From empty sun loungers at luxury hotels to vacant bar stools in dingy saloons, tourism in Thailand is going through its worst slump in decades, a result of the global economic slowdown and its own political turmoil.

“Right now, business is so slow. Some nights, only one customer,” said Jodie, a 24-year-old transvestite go-go dancer teetering around the capital’s Nana red-light district in spike-heeled, thigh-high boots.

Jodie’s gloom is echoed by everybody in an industry that accounts for 6 percent of the economy in the self-styled Land of Smiles and directly employs 1.8 million people.

The head of the Tourism Authority of Thailand, Phornsiri Manoharn, estimates the eight-day closure of Bangkok’s $4 billion Suvarnabhumi airport by antigovernment protesters a month ago will have caused one million foreign visitors to cancel trips or go elsewhere.

“This is the hardest hit we’ve ever encountered in the 48 years we’ve been promoting tourism to Thailand,” she said. And that’s after the country suffered through the December 2004 tsunami, bird flu and SARS.

With arrival numbers for December likely to be 500,000 — a third of forecasts — the Tourism Authority’s goal of attracting 15.5 million tourists in 2008 and 16 million in 2009 is in tatters.

Far from the 70 percent occupancy they normally see in December, Bangkok’s top hotels are 25 percent full, forcing management to close floors, lay off contractors and ask employees to take unpaid leave.

“It would be fair to say that this will be the lowest monthly occupancy we’ve experienced in the history of the hotel,” said Wayne Buckingham, managing director of the 740-room Royal Orchid Sheraton.

The corporate and conference business has been hit particularly hard. That segment of the tourism industry was more sensitive than others to the travel warnings issued during the airport occupation, the climax of months of sometimes violent political confrontation.

But Mr. Buckingham said that people in Asia had been through downturns before and would get through this one, too. “It’s just that this one will take a bit longer,” he said, estimating that it will be 12 to 18 months before things return to normal.

With the export-driven economy already feeling the pinch from the global slowdown, many analysts say they believe the airport protests by the People’s Alliance for Democracy could tip Thailand into recession.

Even if tourism avoids the large-scale layoffs already hitting manufacturing, getting the industry back on its feet will be yet another problem for the new prime minister, Abhisit Vejjajiva, who heads a shaky coalition.

If he starts diverting provincial cash to Bangkok or the south, where the best beaches and strongest support for his Democrat party are to be found, he risks further alienating voters in the north and northeast, where loyalty to the former leader, Thaksin Shinawatra, runs deep.

However, there was expected to be great pressure to intervene, because the dearth of visitors was hurting a wide range of people, including taxi drivers, antique dealers, gem traders and thousands of service workers. The only people still smiling are the foreign visitors who decided not to be put off by the likelihood of more political unrest. “To be honest, it’s worked out fairly well — all the sights are pretty much empty and we’ve been getting a guide all to ourselves,” said Michael Gude, a businessman from London.

New York Times

Hitler as Property Speculator

Repo Antiques in SE Asia

If you're interested in purchasing Asian art during your visit to Bangkok, please tell the shopkeeper you are looking for antique reproductions and not the real thing.
Myanmar Times has background on the trade and how to avoid getting totally ripped off. Myself, I buy my Buddhas on the sidewalks of Bangkok.

Classical Khmer Art

Not sure how classical, but a Cambodian artist in Chicago is putting out some fine, fine stuff.
Lovely Apsaras for your Viewing Pleasure.

Reahu MySpace Page. Lovely Cambodian music.Phnom Penh Post has more on this controversial artist.

Singapore Flyer: White Elephant?

The Singapore Flyer (a ferris wheel) broke down again recently, and many are wondering if this is the latest white elephant to be foisted on the public by the government, though they deny they are financially involved in the project.

Future of the Flyer?

I have no idea what the balance books of the Flyer look like today, and hope everything is good. But common sense throws up a few wet blankets.

Recession means people spend less on luxury items and services. The Flyer is a non-essential visit for many people right now and costs three times more than a movie for a 30min experience. 2009 will be a really tough year to attract visitors.

Tourism keeps dipping in Singapore. The tourism folks would have us believe that a major reason is the global downturn, but let’s face it, Singapore has limited options for travellers and is really too expensive for budget travellers. And we can’t possibly air-condition the whole island.

The Flyer site is too dislocated from other parts of town. Sure, it’s a few minutes walk to the Ritz, but most people don’t go beyond Suntec and Marina Square unless they drive. And there aren’t enough road signs pointing to the Flyer.

The Flyer is better seen than to see from. Locals need to be given a great reason to patronise it, and so far there isn’t.

You know, as a guy who works in the private sector and is affected by PnLs, I really hope the Flyer business works out for its staff. After the millions spent, and all the blood and tears that went into this massive project, Singapore indeed has a beautiful addition to its skyline.

But if no drastic measures are taken to do massive damage control over yesterday’s incident and restore people’s confidence in stepping into the capsules, the Flyer risks becoming Singapore’s biggest white elephant. If it does, it’ll be a really sad thing to drive past along ECP.

Empty Vessel

FriskoDude's Most Excellent Christmas Day

FriskoDude had a fine Christmas day as show in this short video clip filmed by a close friend of mine, who then posted it on YouTube. Hope yours was just as eventful, but didn't have to return the Caddy or the mink, and didn't get wacked by Joe P. Guess it was necessary.

The most excellent turkey dinner was provided by my good friend (BFF) Mr. Bean who sent along this short video and then foolishly posted it on YouTube. Is nothing sacred?



At least I had a much better day than my old fighting buddy, little Stevie in the Nehru jacket, who just sent me this clip of his miserable day fighting the bad guys.


via videosift.com

Huffington Post on Worst Media Moments in 2008

TEN THINGS THAT SUCKED OUT LOUD IN 2008, MEDIA EDITION

1. The Economy Kills Everyone

Some greet the effects of the down economy on the media with mockery, some with mournfulness, some with a combination of the two I shall call mournckery. Eventually though, a writer you admire gets laid off, or a reporter you've depended on has to take a buyout, or RADAR Magazine folds and their fantastic web operation comes under the rule of a bunch of gibbering twits with birdcrap for brains and it all hits home. And look, everyone knows that the web is going to solve all of the world's problems, but tell me: how does the imminent failure of, say, New Jersey's Star-Ledger grab you? Worried about that at all? Of course not! Everyone knows that the State of New Jersey is filled with affluent laptop/iPhone owners and their politicians are the most honest people in the ever-loving world!

2. ABC's Terrible Debate

Political debates are all alike; every terrible debate is terrible in its own way. And yet the ridiculous attempt by ABC's George Stephanopoulos and Charlie Gibson nevertheless ranks as the supreme example of incompetence. It didn't matter that every single one of their gotcha questions, save Gibson's high-toned bitchery over his investment portfolio, had already been asked 4,751 times: George and Charlie were bound and determined to be the 4,752nd to do so! As such, the entire debate played like something ABC News took all of fifteen minutes to prepare for, right down to the tatty production values and asinine, utterly tone-deaf references to the Constitution. The resulting debate wasn't fair to either candidate and was an insult to every viewer who tuned in. "The crowd's turning on me," Gibson quipped, after it was over. Would they had done so earlier!

Oh, and did Stephanopoulos hypocritically engage in the sort of behavior that he once decried as a political operative? OF COURSE HE DID.

Read the Rest at Huffington Post

Sweet Hotel Deals in Thailand? Not Yet.

Thai tourism is down sharply, but so far, I've seen no real indication that tour operators or hotel owners are offering any real deals. The Thai way of thinking is: occupancy is down, so let's raise the damn rates and stick it to the rich farangs. Here's a Letter to the Editor at the Bangkok Post, complaining about another common problem with the Thai tourism industry.

Foreign tourist faux pas

I am a tourist in Thailand, one of the few these days if you believe the moanings of doom from local hotel general managers. Ready to re-visit towns and tourist attractions throughout Thailand, I'm drawn naturally enough to the glossy advertisements in the Bangkok Post from top hotels promoting generous deals in an effort to fill the many empty rooms.

Great, I think, I'm ready for a deal any day.

But there's a catch. These great offers are ''Exclusively for Thais and Local Residents''.

Hold on here. Wouldn't you think that the tourism industry, crying hardship with tumbling occupancies, make these offers available to all comers? Anyone who is willing and able to pay? What's so special about Thais and local residents that they can get a better deal than an international visitor? In fact, how many Thais and local residents really want to stay at a luxury riverside hotel in Bangkok?

Seems to me the short-sighted tourism industry in Thailand and hotel marketing people in particular should immediately get on a plane and go visit their traditional international market places (and the emerging markets, as well) and sell Thailand. Not just sit on their collective backsides and try to woo ''Thais and Local Residents'' with special deals. It's been done successfully before from other countries during a crisis.

No longer should the international tourist to Thailand be excluded from a good deal, nor should anyone else. TAT and hotel marketing managers: Time to re-think your strategies

JibJab's 2008 Year in Review

First, some funny Christmas photos.















And the Jib Jab video about the horrors of 2008.



Thank God 2008 is over. Wasn't it fucked?

Saigon Wiring Madness

I wonder how many repairmen are electrocuted each year working on
Saigon's crazy wiring system?

Museum of the Descendents of the Dragon in Suphanburi

Richard at
Thai-Blogs recently visited the newest attraction in Suphanburi.

Police Checkpoint Goldmine

I don't know how accurate this report is, but 4amExpat lays out the details why your 2000 baht bribe to the policeman for drunk driving may not work out. Read the entire article for the step-by-step procedure that will cost you 5000 baht. Looks like a good idea to carry that sum with you if you intend to drive home after an evening at Nana or Cowboy. Better yet, don't drink and drive, but take the MetroRail or subway home.

So what happens when you get stopped at one the the police check points, and you don't have the right bribe to offer or the right 'friend' to call? Police checkpoints are out in force in December. Why? This basic formula. For every drunk driver the police nab, they will get fined starting at 5,000 baht. Of that 5,000 baht, 2,500 goes to the police station making the stop. 250 Baht goes to the Federal government and 2,250 goes to the Bangkok Metropolitan Authority (BMA). So don't be surprised if they don't accept your bribe of 2,000 baht. They are going to to get minimum 2,500 out of you by following this simple procedure:

Stop you, take your license or ID

Make you take a breathalyzer - over 50 is a fail.

Escort you to the police station where you will be asked your details.

Escort you to a room with metal bars.

Ignore you until someone posts bond of 20k on your behalf. (unless you got it in your pocket)

Someone pays your 20k bail, and it is logged in triplicate, forms are filled, time passes.

You are fingerprinted.

You are released and allowed to drive back home.

You return two days later to fill forms, wait in lines.

You are sent to the court house. Forms filled, wait in lines.

4amExpat

Letterman's Top 10 George W. Bush Moments

Bangkok at Christmas? Check Your Change.

Fake money in Thailand has always been a big problem, but it's extra dangerous around the holidays.

Thousands of counterfeit banknotes, particularly 1,000-baht bills, are likely to go into circulation over the New Year period, the Bank of Thailand (BoT) warned yesterday. Nopporn Pramojaney, the BoT's assistant governor for note-printing, warned consumers and businesses to watch out for odd-looking notes during the holiday season. He said counterfeit notes in circulation increased by 80% this year, possibly as a consequence of hard economic times.

In the 12 months to the end of November, the BoT had confiscated 18,895 fake notes - compared with 10,819 notes seized in the same period last year. Most fake notes were 1,000-baht bills, which accounted for 61% of seized notes. Mr Nopporn said that for every one million banknotes in circulation, up to 7,000 of those would be fakes. More counterfeit notes were expected to enter circulation next year due to the economic recession.

Pol Lt-Gen Danaithorn Wongthai, chief of the Office of Police Forensic Science has given some tips for the public to differentiate real banknotes from fake ones. A real banknote bears the watermark of His Majesty the King, which can only be seen when it is held up to the light. The picture of the King, the letters and the digits showing the value on the real note have an embossed feel. Notes of 1,000-baht, 500-baht and 100-baht value have reflective and holographic metallic strips.

Police Region 1 recently arrested four people including a former school director, for banknote forgery, and seized 203 fake 1,000-baht notes. Police also confiscated three compressed bricks of marijuana weighing 3kg from the suspects. Pol Lt-Gen Chalong Sonjai, Police Region 1 commissioner, said the suspects used the fake notes to pay for drugs they bought in Laos.

In Phuket, police arrested three people and seized three fake 1,000-baht notes in Thalang district on Wednesday. Pol Col Thammanoon Faiju, superintendent of Thalang police station, said forged bills were often used at nightspots, petrol stations or grocery stores popular with the elderly.

Tourism Woes in Thailand

Will tourists return to Thailand? The TAT is claiming that many hotels and airlines are offering huge discounts to lure wary travelers to the country, but is this a fact? Not that I can see. Thai hotels and other tourism services generally take an attitude like "things are bad, must raise prices." Doesn't make much sense, but that's life in Thailand.

Top staff at one Bangkok hotel have taken salary cuts of 25 to 30 per cent. The slowdown could push Thailand's economy into recession. The Government forecast a contraction of up to 1 per cent in the first quarter of next year and zero growth in the second quarter. Tourism brought in about $27.5 billion in revenue last year, about 6.5 per cent of the country's gross domestic product.

Bangkok is especially hard hit. The loudest sound in the elegant lobby of The Peninsula is a toy train chugging through a gingerbread village near an 8.5m Christmas tree. The hotel has temporarily closed its bar and two of its six restaurants. "The decorations are beautiful. It's just a pity there aren't more people to see it," said Charles Morris, general manager of the 370-room hotel, where occupancy sank below 10 per cent this month.

The Lebua Hotel, where occupancy is 16 per cent compared with 80 per cent this time last year, has stopped all advertising until June. "All expatriate staff working here have taken 25 to 30 per cent salary cuts - all of us," said Deepak Ohri, chief executive of the luxury hotel.

Thai hotels typically average 85 per cent occupancy during the holidays, but many in Bangkok are less than 20 per cent full, says Juthaporn Rerngronasa of the Tourism Authority of Thailand.

Her agency has devised a two-part strategy to revive Thailand's image as a laid-back paradise.

First: a big apology. The tourism authority is compiling a list of email addresses of stranded passengers, collected from airlines and hotels. It plans to send a message "to express our regrets".

Second: big discounts. The authority has asked hotels and airlines to reduce high-season rates and fares. Its "Amazing Thailand" campaign is now "Amazing Thailand, Amazing Value".

New Zealand Herald

Thai Visa Forum New Year's Eve Party

Party for those witty and intelligent enough to belong to Thai Visa Forum.

New Years Eve Party 2009

You are cordially invited to the Thaivisa New Years Eve Party to be held at the NEW official Bangkok home of Thaivisa, Larry's Dive. The festivities will begin at 7pm on Wednesday, 31 December 2008 at Larry's Dive. All Thaivisa members in good standing plus 1 guest ONLY are cordially invited!

**Sign-ups Required**

**Please sign up on this thread**

***The Sign-up requirements are that you must have a minimum 5 posts effective today, 14, December 2008. The will be no exceptions to this requirement.***

Name tags will be provided and you will be free to meet and greet the "faces behind the avatars" as well as to enjoy 2 hours of free draft Chang or Tiger beer, 1 hour of unlimited shooters including Larry's famous margaritas and a midnight Champagne toast.

All other drinks that evening are sold at 100 baht (ie Happy Hour Prices) include draft pints, Heineken, Tiger, Chang, and all mixed drinks. The whole place's venues are open to Thaivisa Members: LARRY'S NEW BEACH BAR, LARRY'S DIVE GRILL and BAR, LARRY'S LOFT.

Larry's will be providing Ribs, spaghetti and chilli, wings and salads. Charge at the door of 200 baht for all THAIVISA MEMBERS (includes all the above listed food and drinks as well as lucky draws). This is an adult function and children below the age of 18 will not be permitted. Need a Hotel room in the Sukhumvit Area, click here.

Thai Visa Forum New Year's Eve Party

Thai Visa New Year's Eve Party

Not sure why they didn't choose Flaming Moe's, but the surf bar is cool enough. Thai Visa is the website to join and throw in your opinions and rants and raves about the scene in Thailand.

New Years Eve Party 2009

You are cordially invited to the Thaivisa New Years Eve Party to be held at the NEW official Bangkok home of Thaivisa, Larry's Dive. The festivities will begin at 7pm on Wednesday, 31 December 2008 at Larry's Dive. All Thaivisa members in good standing plus 1 guest ONLY are cordially invited!

**Sign-ups Required**

**Please sign up on this thread**

***The Sign-up requirements are that you must have a minimum 5 posts effective today, 14, December 2008. The will be no exceptions to this requirement.***

Name tags will be provided and you will be free to meet and greet the "faces behind the avatars" as well as to enjoy 2 hours of free draft Chang or Tiger beer, 1 hour of unlimited shooters including Larry's famous margaritas and a midnight Champagne toast.

All other drinks that evening are sold at 100 baht (ie Happy Hour Prices) include draft pints, Heineken, Tiger, Chang, and all mixed drinks. The whole place's venues are open to Thaivisa Members: LARRY'S NEW BEACH BAR, LARRY'S DIVE GRILL and BAR, LARRY'S LOFT. Larry's will be providing Ribs, spaghetti and chilli, wings and salads.

Charge at the door of 200 baht for all THAIVISA MEMBERS (includes all the above listed food and drinks as well as lucky draws). This is an adult function and children below the age of 18 will not be permitted. Need a Hotel room in the Sukhumvit Area, click here

Thai Visa Forum Party Invite

Before You Go to Thailand, Get a Tourist Visa

Before you go to Thailand, get a proper Thai visa stamp in your passport. Otherwise, big hassles.

At a press conference held late yesterday, Phuket Immigration confirmed that foreigners arriving without visas at any of Thailand’s non-airport immigration checkpoints will be granted permits-to-stay of only 15 days, half the former number.

The conference was led by Phuket Immigration Superintendent Chanatpol Yongbunjerd, who also confirmed that the former rule limiting foreigners entering on “visa exemptions” from staying more than 90 days over a 180-day period was no longer in effect.

As a result, foreigners from any of the 40 countries eligible for “visa exemptions” can now legally reside in Thailand year-round, provided they don’t mind making a “visa run” every 15 days (30 days if by air) and abide by all other laws and regulations.

The new 15-day rule is now in effect at all 54 land border checkpoints, including the seaport checkpoint at Ranong, popular with Phuket-based foreigners doing visa runs to Burma.

The new order, issued on November 25, is intended as a way of stopping foreigners from working illegally in the country in industries such as real estate, Col Chanatpol said.

Col Chadpol said he was working closely with Thai Dive Association (TDA) President Ronnachai Chindapol to find ways to improve the diving industry’s compliance with Thai immigration and labor laws, recognizing the role that foreign dive instructors play in the industry.

On the issue of migrant workers from neighboring countries such as Burma, Col Chanatpol said he personally thought their number might be in the range of 70,000 to 80,000. Of these, as many as 50,000 might be unregistered, he estimated.

Col Chanatpol said he was in favor of raising the quota on such workers, as doing so would have many advantages. These would include stemming the spread of dangerous diseases such as dengue fever through mandatory health checks, and increasing government revenue through collection of work permit fees.

However, the previous Cabinet’s plan to raise quotas early in 2009 will now have to be put on hold until a new Cabinet is formed and decides on the issue, he said.

Col Chanatpol also used the meeting to introduce two new Immigration Inspectors recently assigned to his office: Lt Col Kanya “Taen” Petchpairoj, who will be in charge of visa issues and administrative matters, and Lt Col Suparerk Pankosol, who recently transferred from Samut Prakan and will be in charge of investigations.

During the press conference, Pol Capt Napat Noosen released figures for permit-to-stay extension applications received by Phuket Immigration in 2007. The list revealed the United Kingdom as the single greatest source of applicants, with 2,560 (1,207 on tourist visas, 1,353 for non-immigrant visas).

Rounding out the top ten were: 2. Sweden (total 1,411); 3. Germany (1,196); 4. France (1,174); 5. US (1,136); 6. Italy (1,135); 7. Switzerland (745); 8. Philippines (715); 9. Australia (671) and Burma (609).

Capt Napat implored people with non-immigrant visas planning to apply for permit-to-stay extensions to submit their applications no fewer than two weeks before their current permit is set to expire.

Phuket Gazette

Elephants Still Slaughtered in Burma

It's a sad day when elephants are still slaughtered in Burma, and hardly a word comes from the Asian and Western nations that continue to import elephant ivory. It's time to stop this madness. All ivory sales must be stopped, especially in Hong Kong, where I continue to see entire stores devoted to the death and destruction of African elephants. Chinese authorities in Beijing need to wake up and stop this disgraceful massacre.

An increasing number of elephants in northern Burma are being killed for its ivory and skin for over a decade by local people, sources said.

Every year, hundreds of wild elephants around Kachin state are killed for its ivory and skin by local people after Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) signed a ceasefire agreement with the Burmese military junta in 1994, said local owners of tame elephants. An elephant camp was placed near Hpakant jade mining city in Kachin state, northern Burma. At current prices in Kachin state, a set of tusks weighing from one to two Viss is valued at 500,000 Kyat (US $ 397) to 600,000 Kyat (US $ 476). It is over 1.5 million Kyat for a set of tusks weighing over 10 Viss (1Viss = 1.6 Kilograms in Burmese measurement in weight). Again one Viss of dry elephant skin is valued at over 40,000 Kyat (US $32), according to residents of Myitkyina, the capital of Kachin state. Three tame elephant owners in Myitkyina told KNG today, “Now, elephants are mainly killed for their skin. An elephant has at least over 100 Viss of skin so hunters can earn a net income of over 4 million Kyat from an elephant’s skin alone.”

According to merchants dealing in elephant ivory and skin in Myitkyina, ivory is mainly exported to neighbouring Thailand and some to China but elephant skin is mainly exported to China for traditional treatment of human gastritis and wounds on the body.

Hunting elephants and selling its ivory and skin are illegal in Kachin state but local hunters and merchants are in this business by handing out bribes to local policemen and forest officials of the Burmese ruling junta, added local elephant owners.

Elephant owners in Myitkyina said the junta and the KIO authorities are yet to take serious action against illegal elephant trappers. No hunter has been arrested yet since the increase in hunting pachyderms in the state from 1994.

Several elephants owners in Kachin state said, there are only about 1,000 wild elephants left in Kachin state and most pachyderms are in Hukawng Valley in the west of the state, bordering India. Here elephants are mainly hunted for business purposes.

Before 1994, when the KIO and the junta signed a ceasefire agreement, there were over 3,000 wild elephants in Kachin state. The animals were killed mainly for ivory at that time, said local elephant owners.
BurmaNet News

Giles on the State of the Thai Nation

Socialist, rabble rouser, and always indignant, Giles believes the Thai ongoing political revolution will lead to more power to the people, and less power and corruption among the wealthy elite who have ruled over the common people for decades. An idealistic view, but a revolutionary view that may someday force change to an aristocracy and authoritarian military-royal regime which has controlled Thailand for far too long.

Asia Sentinel

Albino Animals

This Website covers albino species in our world. Great coverage and photography.

Albino animals are very rare in nature, and man has long had a fascination for these creatures since ancient times. Some cultures regard albinos as sacred animals, and they have even been the basis of great legends and folklore. Due to their uniqueness and rarity, albino animals are some of the most valuable attractions in zoological centers and circuses throughout the world. We present 35 of nature’s rarest albino, leucistic, and white creatures to you.

I'm proud to say that I've seen most of their movie in the full. As a student at UC Santa Barbara, I worked in the audio-visual department as a projectionist and showed films all over the campus, including the films I took classes such as History of Italian Cinema, German Cinema, French and various classes in American cinema. I've seen every film by Akira Kurasawa, who I consider the greatest film maker of all time. I watch over 200 films each year.

This short doc doesn't do justice, what we need is another film with the full 10 minutes of these incredible speeches.

Christmas Video: Pee Wee Herman

I'm afraid that I'm going to subject you to more of these twisted Christmas videos over the next few weeks, but rest assured that all have been vetted by me and are of superior quality. Of course, you don't have to click, but these will be the very best of stupid and inane Christmas videos....you have my word.

Zoo Babies: Beyond Cute

Zoo Borns is new babies born in zoos around the world. Absolutely too cute. The young ape was born a few days ago right here in San Francisco. Mom doesn't seem too interested in taking care of the young kid, so zoo people have other strategies in mind. Me? i've got room in my pad for a few months until the little guy gets too big to handle.

Rare Animals Discovered in Vietnam

And I wondered what was that furry creature in my last bowl of tom yam whatever.

Thomas Ziegler, curator at Cologne Zoo, was among the researchers to explore the Greater Mekong. “It is a great feeling being in an unexplored area and to document its biodiversity for the first time, both enigmatic and beautiful,” he said.

The discoveries documented in the WWF report First Contact in the Greater Mekong, published today, include 519 plants, 15 mammals, 89 frogs, 279 fish, 46 lizards, 22 snakes, 4 birds, 4 turtles and 2 salamanders.

Stuart Chapman, the director of WWF's Greater Mekong programme, said: “We thought discoveries of this scale were confined to the history books. This reaffirms the Greater Mekong's place on the world map of conservation priorities.”

Among the 15 mammals discovered in the region was the Laotian rock rat, Laonastes aenigmamus. It was thought to have been extinct for 11 million years but a researcher spotted the corpse of one on sale in a food market in Laos in 2005. While unknown to scientists, the rock rat was known to locals as kha-nyou and was enjoyed roasted and served whole on a skewer.

Two of the biggest surprises were the discoveries of two types of muntjac deer. One, the dark Annamite muntjac, Muntiacus truongsonensis, was identified in Vietnam from skulls and descriptions by local people who knew it as samsoi cacoong - “the deer that lives in the deep, thick forest”. Live specimens still elude researchers.

One new snake - the Siamese Peninsula pit viper, Trimeresurus fucatus - was spotted slithering through the rafters of a restaurant in Thailand.

There are estimated to be 20,000 different types of plant, 1,200 species of bird, 430 mammals, 800 reptiles and amphibians, and 1,300 fish in the Greater Mekong. Among the mammals is one of the two remaining populations of the critically endangered Javan rhino.

Times Online

Scientists have discovered more than 1,000 species in Southeast Asia's Greater Mekong region in the past decade, including a spider as big as a dinner plate, the World Wildlife Fund said Monday.
A rat thought to have become extinct 11 million years ago and a cyanide-laced, shocking pink millipede were among creatures found in what the group called a "biological treasure trove".
The species were all found in the rainforests and wetlands along the Mekong River, which flows through Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar, Thailand, Vietnam and the southern Chinese province of Yunnan.

Movie Trailer: When Bollywood comes to China

Confused? So am I. When the Indian film industry comes to China the results are perplexing.

Disco Pop Video Filmed in Shanghai

Always good for a second look, a disco pop song filmed in Shanghai.

Sydney Morning Herald: Monarchy Damaged by Elites

Finally, here's what Harry Nicolaides wrote about the Crown Prince that put him in jail:

An obscure Australian teacher and writer for the Greek language newspaper Neo Kosmos, Harry Nicolaides, 41, has been in a Thai prison since August 31 on charges of breaching Thailand's fierce lese majeste law, which can carry up to 15 years jail. In 2005, he had written:

From King Rama to the Crown Prince, the nobility was renowned for their romantic entanglements and intrigues. The Crown Prince had many wives "major and minor" with a coterie of concubines for entertainment. One of his recent wives was exiled with her entire family, including a son they conceived together, for an undisclosed indiscretion. He subsequently remarried with another woman and fathered another child. It was rumoured that if the prince fell in love with one of his minor wives and she betrayed him, she and her family would disappear.

Unwise stuff for anyone wanting to keep visiting Thailand. But it was in a self-published novel, of which only 50 copies had been printed and seven sold. The monarchy's guardians would be much better advised looking at the massive self-damage just inflicted in its name, and working out ways the heir apparent, Crown Prince Vajiralongkorn, can steer the institution into a more stable balance with electoral democracy.

Sydney Morning Herald

At least he didn't discuss the rumor about the illness of the Crown Prince.

Bali Property Ownership by Foreigners

Photo by Carl Parkes

Bali Discovery has an important and useful story about the current state of foreign ownership of property on Bali, with additional links at the bottom of the story. Ownership is still difficult, but there's a direct link to the lady in Sanur who is the subject of the interview, and she seems to know her stuff. If you're thinking of investing in Bali, I'd give her a call or an email.

Burma and Thailand: Long-Necks Still Slaves

When will this blatant abuse of human rights end? It's really up to the Thai government and local officials in Mae Hong Song to stop this disgraceful trade in Burmese minorities for the economic plus of Thai government officials in the region. Money talks. Human rights walk.

What's sticking in my eye right now is the "Human zoo" operating in Thailand. Not sure if you've heard of it but it's a bit sickening.

Okay, so various tribal groups in Burma ran for the border to escape the Burmese military who persecutes them...that word is way too soft but I don't want to get into all of that horror right now. What I do want to get into is one particular tribe. The Kayan.

The women of the Kayan are famous for their artificially extended necks. They add rings to their necks to make them longer. Alright, interesting yes...but get over it. They are still people and don't need to be photographed by safari goers.

Anyway, for some 'mysterious' reason, this tribe was put into three small villages in Thailand near the Burmese border rather than in a large refugee camp where all of the other groups were put. No real explanation for that was ever given...but given the appearance of the Kayan, the cynical mind might make a guess.

Well, if only that were all...so these women make a bit of money by smiling and looking pretty to the hordes of tourists. One woman, Mu Pao was quoted in a BBC report as saying "At least we're safe here and can earn some money" (Andrew Harding, BBC News reported).

So, yes better than rape and murder but still a little off...right? And what is even more than a little off is that 20 member's of this tribe have been accepted by New Zealand (God bless them) with houses already waiting. But, for the past two years (again according to BBC, not my imagination) "the Thai authorities have refused to sign the paperwork needed" (BBC). So, one woman, a 23 year old by the name of Zember has taken off her neck rings in protest. "It felt a little uncomfortable at first". She said

"I was so happy....they tell me a house is already waiting for us in New Zealand"...but she's not allowed to go to it. She brings in too much money as an exhibit. "Because of my rings I have suffered many problems...I wear them not for tourists. I wear them for tradition...Now I feel like a prisoner."

Shame on the Thai authorities for allowing this to happen. There is absolutely no reason, at least not a valid reason to keep these people there when another country is actually willing to accept them and treat them like people.

The Thai refugee camp commanders insist that these people are not refugees. "Actually they aren't refugees...according to the regulations, you have to live inside the refugee camp" said asshole Wachira Chotirosseranee, deputy asshole of the district office refugee camp.

"They absolutely are refugees," according to Kitty McKinsey of the U.N. "It comes as a great surprise that the Thai authorities are criticising them for living outside the camps, when it was the Thai authorities who wanted them to live (outside)."

Source: http://news.bbc.uk/go/pr/fr/-/2/hi/asia-pacific/7215182.stm
BBC News

Thailand Politics: The Tuk Tuk Drivers Will Win

Call it what you want, but the current political crisis in Thailand is a class war between the have-nots and the wealthy in Bangkok who have long owned the economic landscape of Thailand. My prediction is that the tuk tuk drivers and disenfranchised from Issan are going to win this battle.

Tempers have cooled since a court ordered the dissolution of three political parties in the ruling coalition on Dec. 2. As a result, antigovernment protesters ended a week-long occupation of Bangkok's two airports that wrecked the country's tourism industry.

Members of the disbanded ruling People's Power Party – who have regrouped into a new party, Puea Thai Party – are still attempting to cobble together the next government. But if the opposition Democrat Party secures the 220-vote majority needed to form its own ruling coalition, as it claims it can in Monday's parliamentary vote, that could offer further respite.

Still, even as street protests have simmered down, the continuing political battle underscores the deep fault line that exists here between town and country.

The People's Alliance for Democracy, the royalist group behind the airport seizure late last month, draws its supporters from Bangkok and southern Thailand. It aims to dismantle the electoral machine built by former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra during his tenure from 2001 to 2006 in the rural heartland of the north and curb the power of popularly elected officials. Wealthy PAD activists dismiss rural voters as simpletons who can't be trusted to choose a government.

The divisions also cut deeply in Bangkok, a city of more than 10 million people. Ties within neighborhoods, workplaces, and families are feeling the strain from relentless partisanship, as rival media outlets serve up narratives that blame the crisis solely on the opposite side.

The political conflict is color-coded: yellow shirts for the PAD, red shirts for Thaksin supporters. To the yellows, Thaksin and his allies have corrupted and corroded the body politic. To the reds, an elected government has been sabotaged by an elitist minority.

Puttachai Rattanalangkan, a US-educated engineer and PAD activist, has stopped talking about politics with his father, a red shirt, after heated rows at home. His mother, however, recently swung to his side after watching months of ASTV, a pro-PAD television station. He says he hasn't given up on converting his father to the cause.

"I think the reason we're so divided is that there are two kinds of people. One group of people doesn't know the truth. It's a matter of media," he says.

Among those media is a 24-hour FM station run by and for Bangkok taxi drivers. Into the wee hours, it hosts phone-ins by disgruntled drivers who fume over the PAD's campaign against a government that many of them voted into office. In particular, the closure of the airports has decimated the city's tourist industry, and that hits taxi drivers hard, says Sanong Karaket, the station's vice director.

On Nov. 25, PAD militiamen shot and wounded several taxi drivers who had hurled rocks at their convoy, one of several armed clashes in recent months. Some taxi drivers now refuse to pick up yellow-shirt passengers.

Sanong says if push comes to shove, his side has the advantage: "If we talk about the people who live and work in Bangkok, I can tell you that red shirts outnumber PAD supporters."

More than 40,000 Thaksin supporters packed into a stadium Saturday to hear a defiant taped message by their exiled hero, adding to tensions on the eve of Monday's vote.

Many of the roughly 20,000 taxis in Bangkok are rented by the day. Some of their drivers return to their villages during harvest time, straddling the urban-rural divide. Just as in 1997, when Thailand's economy contracted amid a regional crisis, the current slowdown may push more back to the countryside.

The aspirations of taxi drivers to join the urban middle class made them fodder for the brash populism of Mr. Thaksin, a tycoon-turned-politician who led his party to election victories in 2001 and 2005 before being ousted by a military coup in 2006.

By delivering subsidized healthcare and other giveaways to Thailand's emerging middle class, Thaksin hit on a winning formula. By contrast, the white-collar workforce – a wellspring of PAD activism – is only 15 percent of the population, according to a 2004 government survey. Agrarian workers make up 41 percent.

This rural and urban voting bloc became a threat to the middle class in Bangkok and other cities who felt bypassed by Thaksin's policies, says Nidhi Eoseewong, a retired historian in Chiang Mai. This drove them into the arms of royalist and military elites who feared a strongman leader would weaken their influence.

"Middle-class Thais don't care too much about Thaksin's violation of democratic rights.... What they care about is [diluting] the equal participation of rural people," he says.

Mr. Puttachai, the PAD activist, argues that taxpayers are entitled to more say in how public funds are spent: "I don't think [Thaksin] can run the country without our middle-class taxes."

Thanakit Somwong, a beauty salon boss in a working-class district of Bangkok, offers guarded praise for Thaksin. During his five years in office, life in Mr. Thanakit's hometown in the hardscrabble northeast improved: new roads, crop-price subsidies.

"Nobody is perfect, but [Thaksin] worked hard, he worked for his country," he says.

Christian Science Monitor

San Francisco Santacon 2008

San Francisco Santacon 2008

San Francisco. The world's weirdest city. And how was Santacon in Bangkok, Shanghai, and Manila?

Flickr Photos of Santacon 2008 in San Francisco

Moustache Brothers in Burma Update

The Daily Mail has some news.

New Mandala coverage here and here.

What kind of country locks up their performing artists? When will the U.S. get involved in the genocide of Burma? Hopefully, Obama will see the light and take serious action to bring down the military dictatorship which has devastated the wonderful people of Burma.

Pattaya is Still Rockin'

Bad news all around for the tourism industry in Thailand, but Pattaya is still making a go of things with some new clubs and dancers.

On the positive side, the stage area has been completely revamped with the 1980s-style “wall of lights” replaced with a huge LCD screen on which the DJ showed computer-generated graphics, video and live feeds from the stage camera. As you can tell from the photo above (taken on my Nokia N82 no less) it has an impressive effect.

Also notable is the new laser lighting systems so popular in clubs and go-gos now in Pattaya, plus various wall and ceiling fixtures.

Of course, the real sights at X-Zyte are on stage and, back from a month off, the two 90-minute stage extravaganzas (startng at 11 p.m.) are truly superb, rivaling — albeit on a smaller stage — a top-flight Las Vegas stage show. The shows have always been comprised of ladyboy dance routines, co-ed dance numbers, male and female Thai crooners and even a ladyboy comedian who brings down the house with his bawdy act.

The lineup, at least this Friday night, has been tweaked with many more of the dance numbers with singers playing to the band (and doing a bit of lip-synching.) WIth 20 or so dancers on stage in terrific costumes and choreography, these are definately preferred over the solo singers. X-Zyte seems to have cut down on the ladyboy shows, which, given the kateoys’ energy levels and over-the-top costumes, were a real highlight. Sadly, the katoey jokester also seems to have been dropped.

But for most red-blooded men (YP excepted), fewer ladyboys and more hot X-Zyte dancers are a good thing. I haven’t been there enough to know if the cast Friday had a lot of new faces. But there were a lot of hot bodies really burning up the stage, as you can see for yourself in these videos (also shot on the N82.) Not all the costumes are as skimpy as shown here, but who wants to shoot video of girls in long pants and non-revealing tops.

Before and between shows, there are also about 12 G-Club-like coyotes dancing around the club. But not only do they pale in comparison to the dancers, they seem almost an afterthought with their stages and podiums so badly lit, you can’t see them unless you’re sitting directly by them. They do chat up some customers during the shows, but I don’t know if they can be barfined.

The best part about X-Zyte, though, is that the hot bods and thoroughly enjoyable (to Thai or Farang) music and dancing comes at a wonderfully Thai price. The standard bottle of Chivas Regal costs 780 baht and if you buy that you can take up to 4 people in with you for no added charge. The first setup of 2 Cokes, 2 bottles of soda water, ice and popcorn was 340 baht. Additional mixers are 60 baht, another basket of popcorn was 40 baht and only the charge for ice (60 baht) seemed out of line.

Whiskey upgrades and other bottles are also available at higher, but still reasonable prices. And if you’re not into buying a bottle, you can pay 400 baht (or so, if I recall from previous visits) for two people and two drinks included. As with most Thai clubs, however, the economics are built on bottles of the sponsored whiskey, so if you really want an economical evening, that’s the way to go.

X-Zyte is not a pickup joint and if you go there stag you’ll likely leave that way. Friday and Saturday are really the best nights to go with the crowd composed of “good” Thai girls out together or with their Thai boy sweeties. There’s also a large contingent of bargirls out in groups or with farang customers, some of who invariably (as was the case with two on Friday) feel the need to get up and dance on stage with the coyotes between shows.

Overall, X-Zytle is a terrific and inexpensive night out, especially if you go in a group. I have trouble finding the adjectives to describe how good the shows are and, if you take a Thai girl with you — especially one like Mrs. Ghost, who in her 10 months in Pattaya had never been there — she’ll love you for it big time.

2 The Big Mango

Mecca Haji Photos from Boston Globe Big Picture

The annual Mecca Haj orgy is over, with photos from the Boston Globe at The Big Picture. Looks like loads of fun.

Yesterday marked the end of the Muslim festival Eid al-Adha, or "Feast of Sacrifice" - which also marks the end of the Hajj, the annual pilgrimage to Mecca, Saudi Arabia. One of the pillars of Islamic faith, the Hajj must be carried out at least once in their lifetime by any Muslim who has the ability to do so. This year, nearly 3 million Muslims made the Hajj, without major incident, and are now returning to their homes across the world. Muslims who stayed closer to home celebrated Eid al-Adha, commemorating the the willingness of Ibrahim (Abraham) to sacrifice his son to God. Traditional practices include ritual prayers, the sacrifice of animals (usually sheep), distribution of the meat amongst family, friends and the poor, and visiting with relatives.

The Boston Globe The Big Picture

Gymnastics, Always Beautiful, Sometimes Deadly

Remember this video clip next time you watch the gynmastics competition at the Olympics. An amazing and beautiful sport, but just as deadly as any other extreme sport.

Michael Jackson Channels Zorro in Beverly Hills

I haven't heard much about Jackson in some time, but here's a photo of the gloved one shopping in Beverly Hills in Dec. 2008.

Zorro . . . er, Michael Jackson was spotted shopping in Beverly Hills Friday.

Jacko wore a paparazzi evading outfit, consisting of a blue tunic, a black fedora, a black scarf wrapped loosely around his head and neck, and a black "Zorro" mask. Despite his attempts at being unseen, he drew crowds of photographers and fans, some giving him photos and presents.

Well, Mike, that's what you get when you go out in public looking like a Marvel Comics evil villain.

Jackson started his galavant around the Hills by first going to see a doctor, and soon after a shopping trip at Arte Antique Shop. He was later seen exiting with bags full of children's toys, presumably for his children.

Jacko had some very recent trouble involving the Prince of Bahrain over unpaid loans. But the two came to an amicable settlement.

Nice Duck, Prez!

Bush ducks only only one flying shoe, but two!

Top 10 Amazing Animal Videos

Top 10 Amazing Animal Videos: Readers' Choice

Top 10 Amazing Animal Videos: Wireds' Choice

Priceless stuff here.

Bonus: Excellent video clip of various street musicians around the world playing and singing the iconic song:



Stand by Me

Another Bonus: Boston Globe, The Big Picture: The Hajj and Eid al-Edha

Yesterday marked the end of the Muslim festival Eid al-Adha, or "Feast of Sacrifice" - which also marks the end of the Hajj, the annual pilgrimage to Mecca, Saudi Arabia. One of the pillars of Islamic faith, the Hajj must be carried out at least once in their lifetime by any Muslim who has the ability to do so. This year, nearly 3 million Muslims made the Hajj, without major incident, and are now returning to their homes across the world. Muslims who stayed closer to home celebrated Eid al-Adha, commemorating the the willingness of Ibrahim (Abraham) to sacrifice his son to God. Traditional practices include ritual prayers, the sacrifice of animals.

Jakarta Globe, New English Language Newspaper

Jakarta Globe, a new English language newspaper for Indonesia. The letters section has plenty of suggestions for improvement, but it's a fine start.

Shanghai: Revenge of the Driver

This story happened in Shanghai, where the owner of a Chevrolet Captiva, that had already been attached to a tow truck, was unhappy, started the car, and drove away with both the car and the tow truck.

Africa: Water Buffalos Save Their Young

Score: Water Buffalos 1, Lions and Crocs 0

Hotel Deals in Thailand

Agoda has some deals on hotels in Thailand.

Red Light Blues in Bangkok

Looks like even the red light districts in Bangkok are feeling the pinch.

Strange Music Video Shot in Shanghai

Shanghaiist found this one, probably only of interest for the Shanghai landmarks in this technomusic video.

This is probably as random as it can get, a music video featuring Empire of the Sun (not to be confused with Shanghai-entwined novel of the same name), a new electro pop duo, made up of Luke Steele from The Sleepy Jackson and Nick Littlemore of Pnau, from down under.

Lest you get too distracted by the catchy 80s pop embalmed in shiny over-the-top sci-fi getup, look out for familiar Shanghai landmarks. Also, not to be missed, the minority headdress, Monkey King cudgel, Zhuge Liang fan, foldable bike, turquoise Tibetan beaded necklace and taxi driver gloves. Who knows, white leather shoes may make a comeback next year.

We're sure fans will also be more than pleased to know Dongtai Lu Antique Market should be the place to head to for all of the above articles, other than the foldable bike and taxi driver gloves, which should be well-stocked at your nearest Carrefour.

Shanghaiist

Harry Nicolaides Still in Thai Prison

How could Thai authorities imprison someone who dresses so flamboyantly? His fictional book about Thailand only sold 50 copies, so perhaps he should stay in prison for poor book sales and marketing.

THE Rudd Government says it is unable to intervene in the case of an Australian writer facing a possible 15-year jail term for an article deemed offensive to the Thai monarchy.

Chiang Mai-based university lecturer and freelance writer Harry Nicolaides, 41, was arrested last August on a charge of lese-majesty over a reference to the private life of Crown Prince Vajiralonkorn in a book he had written.

Mr Nicolaides has been held in jail since his arrest at Bangkok airport by Thai police.

His family have accused the Government of not doing enough to get him out, and say Mr Nicolaides is suffering ill-health.

Speaking on Sky News yesterday, Foreign Minister Stephen Smith admitted that Mr Nicolaides's predicament was a difficult consular case for the Government to handle.

"He's been charged with an offence of insulting the king or monarchy in Thailand," Mr Smith said.

"It's a serious offence under Thai law."

"He (Nicolaides) has been refused bail on four separate occasions, which we of course regret, but it's not possible for the Australian Government to seek to interfere in the judicial or legal processes of another country."

The Australian

An Australian professor who was jailed for portraying Thailand’s crown prince in an unflattering light has been denied bail again, The Age, an Australian newspaper, reports.

Harry Nicolaides, who was teaching at Mae Fah Luang University, in Chiang Rai, Thailand, was arrested in August on one count of “lèse-majesté,” the doctrine that an offense against a ruler’s dignity is tantamount to a crime. Prosecutors allege that a passage in Mr. Nicolaides’s novel Verisimilitude suggests a crown prince mistreated one of his mistresses.

The advocacy group Reporters Without Borders, which has made several appeals on behalf of Mr. Nicolaides, as well as other writers and journalists who have been arrested for insulting the Thai monarchy, notes that the king’s son was never named in the book nor were more than 50 copies of it ever published.

Thailand is one of the few countries in the world that still prosecute cases of lèse-majesté. Those found guilty have eventually been pardoned by King Bhumibol Adulyadej. But some observers believe that the crown prince may not be so forgiving.

The next hearing in Mr. Nicolaides’s case is scheduled for January 19. He faces up to 15 years in prison if convicted.

The Chronicle of Higher Education

Reporters Without Borders repeated its call for the release of Australian author Harry Nicolaides, facing a charge of the crime of lese-majesty, after he was yesterday refused bail by the Bangkok criminal court for the fourth time.

Nicolaides, aged 41, who was formally charged on 21 November 2008, has been held at the capital’s remand prison since 31 August. The charge relates to his book, Verisimilitude, which came out in 2005 in which he referred to the way an unamed Crown Prince treated one of his mistresses. Only 50 copies were ever printed.

“We urge the Australian authorities to do everything within their power to secure the repatriation of Harry Nicolaides as quickly as possible”, the worldwide press freedom organisation said. “He is being held in very harsh conditions and his morale is at a very low ebb.”

His lawyer made a previous request for bail on medical grounds on 22 November. It was rejected on the basis that there was a risk that Nicolaides could flee if he was set free.

His brother, Forde Nicolaides, described the outcome as “regrettable”. “Harry is suffering from the difficult conditions at the prison and the terrible effects this is having on his welfare. [...] Ensuring his ability to cope and remain strong is now critical.”

Reporters Without Borders

Old Newsreels on Shanghai, Hong Kong, and Singapore

Shanghai 1947 -- Silent Film by Castle Films



Singapore 1938



Hong Kong 1938

Far Eastern Economic Report on Chee in Singapore

The editors at FEER seem to think that Chee is making progress in Singapore. I doubt it, but he gets at A for effort.

In the mold of the late J.B. Jeyaretnam, Mr. Chee dares to scrutinize PAP governance claims and underlying premises of authoritarian rule with a determination uncharacteristic of the PAP’s few opponents in parliament. But unlike Jeyaretnam, who spent much of his life fighting legal battles undermining his electoral politics, Mr. Chee incorporates these battles into extraparliamentary campaigns. This partly explains his polarizing effect within Singapore. Many middle-class professionals who like to think of themselves as politically progressive find Mr. Chee’s preparedness to risk everything for his beliefs too confrontational. More than reflecting tactical differences, though, this highlights contrasting depths of opposition to PAP institutions.

Singapore’s authorities already enjoy a reputation as the world’s most litigation prone, but even by local standards this year has been exceptional. Not only was the REVIEW in September found to have defamed Prime Minister Lee and Minister Mentor Lee Kuan Yew, with an appeal now pending, but The Wall Street Journal Asia was also fined a record amount for contempt of court in a finding last month.

Meanwhile, three SDP members were given jail sentences in November. Their offence was to wear T-shirts adorned with a kangaroo in a judge’s robe outside the Supreme Court in May during a defamation trial against SDP colleagues Mr. Chee and his sister Chee Siok Chin. The Chees too were sentenced to jail for contempt after the judge in the defamation case contended they had not only accused the court of being biased and pre-judging the case, but also disobeyed orders to cease particular lines of questioning. Comments about the way the presiding judge handled that case also landed blogger Gopalan Nair a three-month jail sentence. There could be more jail terms to come, as another 19 SDP members were charged in October for illegal assembly and participating in an illegal procession in March this year.

FEER

Manny Pacquiao Beats Up Oscar

Big congratulations to the world's great pound for pound fighter and his devastating win over Oscar de la Hoya.

Manny Pacquiao confirmed his status as the world's best pound-for-pound boxer last night with a stunning, lop-sided victory in Las Vegas over Oscar De La Hoya, one that - if sense prevails - will send boxing's "golden boy" into retirement and propel Ricky Hatton towards the most sustained and serious preparation of his career. The Manchester boxer is hoping to fight the Filipino in England next May, probably at Wembley. He had better be more than ready.

Lighter, shorter and less illustrious, Pacquiao was billed as De La Hoya's inferior in multiple ways but when the boxing started he was so superior that this hugely anticipated contest rapidly developed into a ritual humiliation. The official verdict was a technical knock-out at the end of the eighth round but truth was that De La Hoya quit on his stool – whether at the behest of his corner or of his own volition wasn't immediately clear, although in the greater scheme of things such detail scarcely mattered. The 35-year-old began the night as the odds-on favourite and ended it in a Las Vegas hospital, where he underwent precautionary checks.

Two of the three judges scored all eight rounds for Pacquiao, while a third gave the opening round to the American – an assessment that was not so much a mistake as a case for the ringside doctor. "I just don't have it anymore,'' the loser, a world champion in six weight divisions, said afterwards.

No one inside the MGM's Grand Garden Theatre had any reason to disagree with that, although in fairness to De La Hoya it was hard to believe anyone – not even De La Hoya in his prime – could have prevailed in the face of Pacquiao's speed and ringcraft.

Asia Times Online -- A Right Royal Silence

A right royal silence
By Shawn W Crispin

BANGKOK - King Bhumibol Adulyadej failed on Thursday to make his annual birthday speech, with his royal family members citing poor health as the cause of his non-appearance. The now 81-year-old monarch has historically used his nationally televised address to speak to matters of national urgency, and his words were highly anticipated this year in the wake of the political chaos that has engulfed the country.

There was widespread speculation after this week's Constitution Court decision, which disbanded the ruling People's Power Party (PPP) and two of its junior coalition partners, that Bhumibol might encourage the formation of a government of national unity in a royal bid to defuse the dangerously escalating political tensions
pitting supporters and detractors of former premier Thaksin Shinawatra.

Those tensions came to a lull for the monarch's birthday celebrations, but many fear they could reignite with upcoming political developments. Remnants of the PPP, now bidding to form a new government under the Peua Thai banner, have promised to fight against any national unity government, regardless from whom or where it is proposed. They have held steadfast to their, now legally debatable, democratic mandate to rule.

Bhumibol has only visibly and overtly intervened in politics in response to bloodshed on Bangkok's streets, as seen in the 1973 and 1992 crises pitting pro-democracy and military forces. The king's inaction in the wake of the current and still unresolved political struggle is consistent with that last-resort precedent; his silence on Thursday, his loyalists say, was more meaningful than any speech.

The silence also meant Bhumibol failed to bestow royal legitimacy to the PPP-led caretaker government, whose members had assembled to extend well wishes. With his ailing health and advanced age, it's not clear to many that the respected monarch has the energy or inclination for yet another intervention. And with the country polarized between competing political camps vying for supremacy in the post-Bhumibol era, it's also not clear to many that this timely guidance from above would necessarily lead to a lasting resolution.

Instead, judging by his encouragements to judges, it seems Bhumibol would prefer that the courts arrive at a rule-by-law conclusion to what the revered monarch himself has referred to as the country's "mess". The legal process, however, could yet call for a royal intervention. Members of the Senate have indicated in the wake of this week's Constitution Court decision that they will challenge the constitutionality of former PPP party list members moving over to the Peua Thai party and thus the legitimacy of the entire 2007 elections.

The PPP and opposition Democrats each received about 37% of the total votes at last year's polls, with the Democrats receiving about 200,000 less than the PPP out of a total 32 million votes cast among the two dozen or so competing parties. Regional gerrymandering gave the PPP more parliamentary seats, but the Asia Foundation’s James Klein notes in a recent report that 63% of Thai voters did not support the PPP, "Thus, PPP claims that they represent the majority of Thai citizens cannot be labeled as simple sound-bite rhetoric; it is outright smoke-and-mirrors deception."

Thus a Constitution Court or Election Commission ruling in the senators' favor would conceivably open a new political vacuum, which, depending on how interpreted, the Thai charter's vaguely worded Section 7 could allow Bhumibol to intervene and establish an interim ruling body. There were widespread rumors before the Constitution Court's ruling to disband the PPP that judges would order the formation of a Supreme Council to fill the political vacuum. With the Senate's constitutional challenge, the Supreme Council case scenario is still very much in play.

Many Thais were also looking towards Bhumibol's address to set the record straight about any royal connection to the People's Alliance for Democracy (PAD) anti-government protest movement, which had campaigned on the platform of protecting the monarchy from alleged usurpers in former premier Thaksin's camp, including ranking members of the now disbanded PPP and their aligned red shirt-wearing United Front for Democracy Against Dictatorship (UDD) protest movement.

The PAD's debilitating week-long closure and occupation of the country's main domestic and international airports tainted the image of the yellow-clad movement in the eyes of many previously supportive Thais and stranded foreigners. It's unclear if the PAD was given a signal to abandon its encampment after the Constitution Court decision. But some commentators, including the well-read Bangkok Pundit blog, note a decline in the number of Thais who wear yellow on Mondays, previously in a show of support for King Bhumibol, after the PAD, which had co-opted the color for its rallies, became more violent in its actions and retaliations.

Speculation about royal support for the movement came to a head in October when Queen Sirikit presided over the funeral of a PAD supporter who was killed in a police crackdown on the movement on October 7. Some of Thaksins' supporters in the PPP-led government and others interpreted her attendance as an indication of royal support for the protest movement, though Queen Sirikit has not publicly taken sides in the conflict. By law the Thai monarchy is above politics.

Yet nor is it clear to many observers and some diplomats that the monarchy has a unanimous view of the conflict: Princess Chakri Sirindhorn was quoted in an Associated Press story reported from the US in October saying that the PAD acted on its own behalf. The royally appointed Privy Council, which some of Thaksin’s supporters are keen to rein in through constitutional amendments, is also known to consist of members who pursue agendas independent of the crown.

There is also the increasingly ambitious military, whose leaders deployed royal symbolism when staging the 2006 coup and justified it by claiming the putsch was meant to protect the monarchy from Thaksin's alleged threat. At the time, certain of Thaksin supporters claimed to have seen footage of a woken-from-sleep Bhumibol on the night of the September 19 putsch sternly asking the coup-makers "why there had to be a coup?" They have taken more critical aim at Privy Council president Prem Tinsulanonda for allegedly orchestrating the coup - charges the senior statesman has denied.

With Bhumibol's advanced age and declining health, and with one palace insider saying his private principal secretary, Asa Sarasin, handles most of the monarch's day-to-day affairs, diplomats and others speculate that the military now marches mainly to the beat of the royal advisory Privy Council. Both institutions would likely see their powers legally diminished in a post-Bhumibol era were a pro-Thaksin administration allowed to rule and amend laws without the resistance of a PAD-like protest movement.

What's clearer is that the country is now in the throes of an intense power struggle between two elite camps which has little to do with democracy or class struggle, as popularly presented. Both business-minded groups, one led by Thaksin and backed by his northern and northeastern popular power base, and the other by a more traditional elite led by the opposition Democrats and buoyed by the party's southern, Bangkok and outlying central regions popular support, have less-than-sterling democratic credentials.

The mainstream Western media's presentation of Thaksin as a democratic symbol overlooks his authoritarian and rights-abusing tendencies during his six years in office, including his aversion to parliamentary debate and penchant for rule by decree. His government systematically undermined the free press and lent overt support to rights abuses in state-sponsored campaigns against drugs, dark influences and a Muslim insurgency.

Thaksin's well-marketed populist hand-outs to the rural poor, which amounted on average to less than 80 billion baht per year (US$2.242 billion at today's rate), were a pittance to the over 1 trillion baht in bad debts his government opaquely took over, reprocessed and handed back at a sharp discount to the original business owners who misspent the loans. Nor did his government, as popularly presented, invent rural handouts: his village development funds were a recycled - and better marketed through his use of monopolized state media - grassroots program first launched by the Democrats in the 1970s.

That same pro-Thaksin business clan now hopes to wrest control of the various licenses, concessions, enterprises and land holdings which the traditional elite, who through varying degrees of association with the monarchy, have derived their power and privilege. Those traditional interests, many affiliated with the Democrat Party and politically excluded from Thaksin's generous bailouts and state-directed credit schemes, are known to be among the biggest of the PAD's behind-the-scenes backers.

Their fears of a changing post-Bhumibol order are reflected in the rapid clearing and development of various royal-related lands in Bangkok; their hopes for maintaining the status quo are seen in the state enterprise workers, threatened by Thaksin's privatization plans, who have supported both incarnations of the PAD.

It's not clear, in the name of democracy or even class struggle, that one side to Thailand's debilitating elite conflict, with each side mobilizing their masses on regional lines, has more right to dole out these resources than the other.

Thaksin became a billionaire from state-tendered telecommunications concessions, one of which he is on record profusely thanking a military general involved in the 1991 military coup that overthrew democracy. (An estimated US$2.2 billion of Thaksin’s personal wealth is now frozen in Thai banks and could be seized on corruption charges.) Earlier this year, Forbes magazine ranked Bhumibol as the world's richest monarch with a net worth of US$35 billion derived in part from over 3,000 acres of prime property in Bangkok.

To lay the blame for Thailand's dysfunctional democracy and collapsing social order at Bhumibol's feet, as some international media have done in recent days, seems critically misplaced in light of the various stakeholders who are more clearly contributing to the country's recent instability. In terms of popular legitimacy, even with the frequent mobilization by political actors of his royal symbolism, nobody has more in a Thai context than Bhumibol. And while many wish the aging monarch would righteously intervene, as he has in previous conflicts, his silence over his birthday spoke volumes to a divided nation.

Asia Times Online

Asia Sentinel -- Where's Dad?

Where's Dad?
Friday, 05 December 2008
Thailand shivers over concerns about its monarch's health

Standing stiff in full regalia as his cream-colored Rolls Royce slowly drove around Royal Plaza in the annual Trooping the Color ceremony on Wednesday, King Bhumibol Adulyadej made his first public appearance since his sister's cremation last month.

Without acknowledging the chaotic events in Thailand over the past six months, the world's longest-reigning monarch read a prepared speech to the King's Guard, thanking soldiers for their loyalty. It was supposed to be a prelude for a far more extensive speech the next day, the eve of his 81st birthday, when the nation was expecting some sage advice from the only king most have ever known.

It was not to be. During one of Thailand's most turbulent weeks, which saw its airports seized, a second prime minister kicked out by judges in four months, and a light shown on its opaque palace politics, the king was a no-show to his own party.

His children took center stage, telling a disappointed audience of royal well-wishers and the country at large that Bhumibol was "slightly ill" and his condition was not serious. Yet his absence unleashed a deafening silence that resounded across the kingdom. Many Thais were gutted, sad, reflective. Just like the elaborate cremation for his sister a month before, they knew it was a sign of things to come.

Speculation about why he didn't show up will run rampant. None of it really matters at the end of the day. As with everything related to the royal family, the palace walls are difficult to penetrate.

What counts more now is public perception. For the Red Shirts, the movement aligned with former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, which was created to foil the yellow-shirted People's Alliance for Democracy, the royal family has become a target of veiled attacks. The proxy war raging ever since Thaksin pointed a finger at the king’s top adviser in the run-up to the 2006 putsch threatens to spill out into the open.

The queen's attendance at a funeral last month of a PAD protester helped make things clearer. Bangkok taxi drivers, many of whom come from the rural Northeast that forms Thaksin's base of support, now openly rail against her. The mainstream foreign press has also become bolder, picking up the basic thesis put forward by Paul Handley in his 2006 book "The King Never Smiles," which argues that Bhumibol has consistently pursued political power at the expense of elected governments.

With the monarchy so exposed, the royal establishment may have a harder time putting the lese majeste toothpaste back in the tube. The myths that have surrounded the monarchy for decades have now been thoroughly shattered, thanks in no small part to Sondhi Limthongkul and his roving royalist street gang. Declaring “We will fight for the King” as far back as 2005, Sondhi has put the monarchy up for public discussion under the guise of defending its interests.

If anything his movement has overreached to the extent where opposition to the monarchy is now far greater than it has been in recent memory. Videos posted on websites, including some lurid ones of the heir apparent and his consort, undermine the visions of ethical purity and righteousness pounded home in countless hours of royal propaganda that has been force-fed to Thais for years. Decades of pent-up pressure created by stifling lese majeste laws is finally starting to escape.

Asia Sentinel

Luxury Hotel for Mecca Pilgrims

Tired of sleeping in a tent whenever you do your Haj to Mecca? Fear not, a new five-star hotel is now under construction for those pilgrims with bucks to burn. Minibar not included.

The city has been under transformation for some years now with a development consisting of seven towers, known as Abraj Al Bait towers, currently under construction across from the entrance to the Holy Harram. Designed by international multi-disciplinary Dar Al-Handasah, the mixed-use development consists of a cluster of towers atop a podium holding the greatest built up area of any building in the world at 1.5 million sq m. Six of the towers will accommodate residential with the last functioning as a 5-star hotel and the podium holding shopping and conference facilities. Once the hotel tower is complete next year it will be the tallest in Saudi Arabia and one of the tallest in the world at 595m high. As estimated in 2002 the project, which overlooks the Holy Haram, is costing in excess of US $2billion and is due to complete in 2009.

World Architecture News

Karaoke Kills

I don't imagine that anyone was drinking.

A Malaysian karaoke enthusiast hogged the microphone for so long that people set upon him and stabbed him to death.

Abdul Sani Doli refused to hand over the microphone at a coffee shop that doubles as a karaoke bar in the town of Sandakan, Borneo. Two men have been arrested on suspicion of murder after the altercation erupted a few minutes before midnight.

The town's police chief, Rosli Mohammad Isa, said initial investigations showed the victim had sung several numbers on Wednesday night. Other patrons fumed as Abdul Sani hogged the microphone, a scenario perhaps familiar to karaoke devotees the world over.

Three men on a neighbouring table confronted him on the pavement outside the coffee shop and witnesses saw a heated argument break out. It turned into a punch-up and Abdul Sani was killed.

Karaoke rage is not unheard of in Asia. There have been several reported cases of singers being assaulted, shot or stabbed mid-performance, usually over how songs are sung.

Frank Sinatra's My Way has reportedly generated such outbursts of hostility that some bars in the Philippines now no longer offer it on the karaoke menu. In Thailand this year, a gunman shot eight people dead after tiring of their endless renditions of a John Denver tune.

The Guardian

Bali's Booze Shortage

If you're going to Bali, or anywhere in Indonesia, be sure to bring along enough booze to last your vacation. Or get used to the local firewater.

Wow!” said the woman beside me, stepping back and reeling. “Wow.”

I was passing by the booze section of a new supermarket in Kuta, and the visitor latching on to me as a channel to vent her astonishment, a middle-aged African-American in dreadlocks, couldn’t quite take in the sky-high prices.

“That’s more than US$130,” she said, pointing to one imported bottle of liquor and laughing at the absurdity of it.

“Welcome to Bali,” I said with a commiserating smile, and told her she was lucky there was any imported booze at all, even if it was so ludicrously priced.

We were joined by her husband or partner, a gray-bearded man with a mop of curly hair. Taking in the scene, he joked, “I could have had more success here than I did at AA,” and we all had a good laugh.

The couple said they were from LA and had recently spent some time in South American countries that are noted for their vineyards and had grown used to buying wine for $3 a bottle, and were shocked that here, the same type cost about 10 times that, or more.

I advised them to try a local label, and gingerly they reached for a bottle – costing around $7.

(If this new store wasn’t shy about such intoxicating rip-offs – though, granted, most of it is ravenous government levies - the vacant-stare checkout guy didn’t blink when he charged me 100 percent more than what my items were worth, until I pointed his error out and he reluctantly called a manager, who checked and apologized and the kid rescanned.)

Last week at an early morning breakfast with a visiting Australian media chief executive and a chief editor, at a Nusa Dua hotel, they remarked on the dearth of decent drinks in Bali.

“I was at a conference in Tehran,” one of them told me, “And the booze situation here is almost the same as there, where they have none” due to Iran’s hardline Islamic government.

After a long, hot day speechifying and listening to others drone on at a conference here, one evening she had ordered a G&T at her luxury hotel. But they didn’t have any gin, and the lady was left wondering about the state of international tourism on this island.

“I mean, one of the things people like to do on holiday is have a drink,” she said with an exasperated chortle that suggested the Balinese – or those running the hotels - hadn’t a clue.

I’ve heard the same laments from other visitors in recent months.

So what to do? Should tourists visiting Bali, especially during this merry festive month, have teetotalism enforced upon them?

New daily the Jakarta Globe reported this week that a Japanese delegation canceled a booking at the capital’s prominent Borobudur hotel because they had run out of booze and could not replenish stocks, mortifying the management.

“It’s so embarrassing that here, in a leading five-star hotel, our Japanese restaurant doesn’t have sake. It’s probably the only place in the world where a Japanese restaurant doesn’t have sake,” general manager Poul Bitsch was quoted as saying.

(How did the Japanese know in advance the hotel had run dry? “We confirm your booking, and just to let you know we’ve no booze.” Or: “We would like to make a booking for our delegation, but amid reports of no alcoholic beverages in Indonesia, can you confirm beforehand that you at least have adequate supplies of sake?”)

Japan. The single largest investor in Indonesia.

The Globe said some Jakarta nightspots had resorted to borrowing alcohol from friends while travel agents in Australia were telling their clients traveling to Bali to bring their own.

The Bali Times

Obama's First Month in Two Minutes

Bonus: Sarah Palin blasts Rudolph the Reindeer:



Super Bonus: The infamous Prop 8 Musical starring Jack Black as Jesus

See more Jack Black videos at Funny or Die

Yet Another Bonus: The Making of the Prop 8 Video

See more funny videos at Funny or Die

The Economist -- A Right Royal Mess

Besides justified concerns about Mr Thaksin’s abuses of power, one of the royalists’ worries is that he was building, through populist policies such as cheap health care and microcredit, a patronage network and popular image that challenged the king’s. Another fear is that Mr Thaksin’s alleged generosity to Crown Prince Vajiralongkorn in the past was intended to build up influence with him once he succeeds to the throne. For these and other reasons, the little-told back-story of King Bhumibol is vital to understanding the predicament of this country of 64m people.

Many Thais will squirm at what follows, and will prefer the fairy-tale version of the king’s story. But the king’s past actions are root causes of a conflict dividing the country, and need to be examined.

Bhumibol’s tale, even if stripped of the mythology his courtiers have spent decades constructing around him, is exceptional. The American-born son of a half-Chinese commoner accidentally inherits a throne close to extinction and revives it, creating one of the world’s most powerful and wealthy monarchies, and surely the only one of any significance to have gained in political power in modern times. The king’s charisma, intelligence, talents (from playing the saxophone to rain-making, a science in which he holds a European patent) and deep concern for his people’s welfare make him adored at home and admired around the world. His image perhaps reaches its zenith in 1992, after the army shoots dozens of pro-democracy protesters in Bangkok, when television shows both the army leader (and prime minister) Suchinda Kraprayoon and the protest leader, Chamlong Srimuang (now a PAD stalwart), kneeling in an audience with him. Shortly afterwards General Suchinda resigns, and the king is given credit for the restoration of democracy.

However, Bhumibol’s story is also that of a king who lost faith in democracy (if he ever really had it), who constantly meddled behind the scenes in politics and thus, in the twilight of his reign, risks leaving behind a country unprepared for life without “Father”, as Thais affectionately call him. Understanding why a country that was until recently a beacon of pluralism in Asia has become such a “mess”, as the king put it in 2006, is impossible without lifting the thick veil of reverence surrounding him.

This is not easy because, paradoxically, a king whose adulation by his subjects is supposedly near-universal is nevertheless deemed to need protection, in the form of the world’s most ferociously enforced lèse-majesté law. Whereas other monarchies have mostly abolished or stopped enforcing such laws, Thailand’s was made harsher in the 1970s. Even the most mild, reasoned criticism of the monarchy is forbidden, punishable by up to 15 years in jail. This has had a remarkable effect not just on Thais but on successive generations of Western diplomats, academics and journalists who, with few exceptions, have meekly censored themselves.

All the king’s men

The origins of this, in part, were in the Vietnam war, in which America found King Bhumibol a staunch anti-communist ally. Recognising his value as an anti-red icon, America pumped propaganda funds into a campaign to put the king’s portrait in every Thai home. Even today, although quick to decry undemocratic moves in other Asian countries, America rarely protests at the arrests of Thais and foreigners for criticising the monarchy. Foreign journalists and academics need visas and access to officialdom to do their jobs, and thus have played down the royal angle to any story.

As a result of this conspiracy of silence, only one serious biography exists of one of Asia’s most important leaders. “The King Never Smiles”, by Paul Handley, an American journalist (2006), notes that the king’s restoration of the power and prestige of the Thai monarchy “is one of the great untold stories of the 20th century.”

Mr Handley says that in the two intervening years nobody has disputed the main facts in his book; not even the most damning stuff, which explodes the myth that the king rarely intervenes in politics and then only on the side of good. Perhaps his gravest charge is that in 1976 the king seemed to condone the growth of right-wing vigilante groups that, along with the army, were later responsible for the slaughter of peaceful student protesters. As has happened often in modern Thai history (and could easily happen again now), the 1976 unrest was used as a pretext to topple the government and replace it with a royally approved one.

Bhumibol was 18 when he took the throne after the mysterious death of his ineffectual brother, King Ananda, in 1946. He promptly came under the sway of his uncles, princes itching to restore the power and wealth the crown had lost when the absolute monarchy was abolished in 1932. As he grew into his robes in the 1950s he created a comprehensive patronage system. The award of honours in exchange for donations to royal causes made the monarchy the predominant fount of charity. This “network monarchy”, as it was dubbed by Duncan McCargo, a British academic, put the king back at the centre of Thai society and recovered much of his lost power.

A theme now embraced with gusto by the PAD, inspired by the king’s speeches over the years, is that electoral politics is irretrievably filthy and that Thailand would do better with ad hoc rule by royally favoured “good men”. The epitome of these is General Prem Tinsulanonda who, as unelected prime minister in the semi-democracy of the 1980s, did more than anyone else to foster the idea of the king’s near-divinity. Now president of the privy council, General Prem is also supposedly above politics. But this too is a myth: he is widely seen as the mastermind of the 2006 coup. Shortly beforehand he told the army that the king was its “owner” and Mr Thaksin merely a replaceable “jockey”.

The PAD is a motley bunch, united only by fanatical hatred of Mr Thaksin. It includes disgruntled businessmen, aristocratic ladies, members of a militaristic Buddhist outfit, formerly anti-monarchist intellectuals and reactionary army types. Its “new politics”, consisting of a partly appointed parliament, sweeping powers for military intervention and, of course, a strong crown, is “Premocracy” redux.

The army is a big part of the country’s predicament. Its generals believe they have a right to remove any government that incurs its, or the palace’s, displeasure—taking its cue from the monarchy that has approved so many of its coups. These two obstacles to Thailand’s democratic development are inextricably interlinked.

Mr Handley criticises the way the king has undermined the rule of law. When he has intervened to make known his wishes, his influence is such that it is taken as an order. In an example too late for the book, months before the 2006 coup the king ordered the country’s judges to do something about the political crisis. In a recording of a phone call between two Supreme Court judges shortly afterwards, later posted on the internet, one says they need to avoid the perception that they are following palace orders because “foreigners wouldn’t accept it”.

Since then, their interpretation of the king’s wishes has become increasingly clear, as the courts have rushed through cases against the former prime minister and his allies, while going easy on their critics. Some cases, such as the corruption allegations against Mr Thaksin, clearly deserved the courts’ attention. Others were trivial, such as the court-ordered sacking in September of Samak Sundaravej, the pro-Thaksin prime minister, for doing a television cookery show. In contrast, rebellion charges against the PAD’s leaders over their seizing of Government House were watered down and the courts freed them to continue the occupation.

None of this is to absolve Mr Thaksin and his cronies of their sins. But even his gravest abuse—a “war on drugs” in 2003, in which police were suspected of hundreds of extra-judicial killings—was not entirely his fault. The dirty war against supposed drug-dealers was misguidedly supported by Thais of all social classes. Even the king, in an equivocal speech that year, sounded at times as if he approved of it.

Father knows best

Other countries, from Spain to Brazil, have overcome dictatorial pasts to grow into strong democracies whose politics is mostly conducted in parliament, not on the streets. Thailand’s failure to follow suit is partly because “Father” has always been willing to step in and sort things out: his children have never quite had to grow up. The Democrats, the parliamentary opposition, are opportunists, cheering on the PAD while seemingly hoping for another royally approved coup to land the government in their lap.

The rage of Bangkok’s traditional elite against Mr Thaksin stems partly from embarrassment at having originally supported him. When he came to power in 2001 there was a feeling that Thailand needed a strong “CEO” leader, as the former businessman presented himself. His then party, Thai Rak Thai (TRT), was the first in Thai history to win a parliamentary majority on its own, and formed the first elected government to serve a full term, after which it was re-elected. Mr Thaksin’s policies of improved public services and credit for the poor, though self-serving, promised to improve an unequal, hierarchical society: another reason why the old palace-linked elite wants him eliminated.

The government of generals and bureaucrats installed by the 2006 coup-makers performed miserably. In last December’s elections, though TRT had been disbanded, Mr Thaksin’s new People’s Power Party won most seats. This spurred the PAD to resume its protests. In clashes in October PAD members fought the police with guns, bombs and sharp staves, hoping the army would again use disorder as the pretext for a coup. The PAD nevertheless blamed the clashes entirely on police brutality, and the anti-Thaksin Bangkok press let it get away with this. The death of one PAD member, apparently blown up in his car by the bomb he was carrying, was quickly buried. But the death of a young woman, reportedly when a police tear-gas canister exploded, became a cause célèbre.

Up to this point there were only whispers as to why the PAD enjoyed such lenient treatment—even from the army, which refused to help the police remove protesters from government offices. However, rumours of an extremely influential backer were confirmed when Queen Sirikit, attended by a clutch of cameramen, presided over the dead woman’s cremation. The king remained silent.

Nobody can discuss, of course, what effect the queen’s support has had on the majority of Thais who still, apparently, back Mr Thaksin. A whirl of lèse-majesté accusations have been made against pro- and anti-Thaksin figures. But the PAD’s ever more menacing behaviour, the palace’s failure to disown it, and the group’s insistence that Thais must choose between loyalty to Mr Thaksin and to the king, may be doing untold damage to the crown itself. Some of Mr Thaksin’s voters must be contemplating the flip-side of the PAD’s argument: if the monarchy is against the leader they keep voting for, maybe it is against them. Such feelings may only be encouraged by the PAD’s condescending arguments that the rural poor, Mr Thaksin’s main support base, are too “uneducated” to have political opinions, so their voting power must be reduced.

At a pro-Thaksin rally in July a young activist ranted against the monarchy, calling the king “a thorn in the side of democracy” for having backed so many coups, and warning the royal family they risked the guillotine. She was quickly arrested. What shocked the royalist establishment was not just the startling criticism of the king—but that the activist was cheered. “It is more and more difficult for them to hold the illusion that the monarchy is universally adored,” says a Thai academic.

This illusion is crumbling amid growing worry about what happens when the king’s reign ends. The fears over Mr Thaksin’s past influence on the crown prince are overshadowed by far deeper ones about the suitability of the heir to the throne. Vajiralongkorn has shown little of his father’s charisma or devotion to duty, and in his youth suffered from a bad reputation. In a newspaper interview he defended himself against accusations that he was a gangster. But even his mother, in an extraordinary set of interviews on a visit to America in 1981, conceded he was a “bit of a Don Juan”. “If the people of Thailand do not approve of the behaviour of my son, then he would either have to change his behaviour or resign from the royal family,” she said.

The Thai press dutifully self-censored and certainly would not repeat these criticisms now. Nevertheless, the crown prince will probably remain deeply disliked. There has been speculation over the years that the king might pass the crown to the much more popular Princess Sirindhorn, who now does most of his job of touring the country to meet the masses. The 8pm nightly royal news on television constantly shows her, smiling through endless visits and ceremonies, making merit at Buddhist temples and doing other good works. In the crown prince’s rare appearances he looks reluctant and stiff, and is rarely seen meeting ordinary people.

The patrilineal tradition of the Chakri dynasty is unlikely to be broken. And the prominent role played by the crown prince in Princess Galyani’s cremation removed any doubts about whether he was the chosen heir, says a Thai academic. Even so, many Thais, a superstitious people, will remember an old prophecy that the dynasty would last for only nine generations—Bhumibol is the ninth Chakri king—and that a tenth would be a disaster.

Some day my prince…

For all these reasons, a former senior official with strong palace ties says there is a terror of what will come after Bhumibol. “When we say ‘Long live the king’ we really mean it, because we can’t bear to think of what the next step will be,” he says. Most Thais are too young to remember a time before Bhumibol took the throne. His death will be a leap into the unknown. It would seem wise for royal advisers to be doing some succession planning. But, says the former official, none seems to be going on. And any advice offered would probably not be heeded: “The king is his own man. Nobody advises the king,” he says.

In the shorter term, a trigger for renewed confrontation may be, if a pro-Thaksin government survives, its plan to amend the constitution passed during the military regime that followed the 2006 coup. Some mooted changes, such as restoring a fully elected Senate, seem reasonable. But the PAD assumes the main motive is to relieve Mr Thaksin and his allies of the various legal charges against them. Neither side yet seems willing to compromise. Both have made clear their readiness to use street mobs to achieve their ends.

A messy but effective “Thai-style compromise” is still hoped for, to pull the country back from the brink. It is even possible to dream of the red- and yellow-shirt movements transforming themselves into a well-behaved, mainstream two-party system with broad public participation. This, in turn, might help the country escape the dead hand of the courtiers and generals who are trying to drag the country into the past. But none of this is likely.

If Bhumibol’s glittering reign either ends in conflagration or leads to a Thailand paralysed by endless strife, with nobody of his stature to break the deadlock, it will be a tragedy. But he will have played a leading role in bringing about such an outcome. There is of course an opposing case to be made—that the king has been a stabilising influence in a volatile age, that his devotion to duty has been an inspiring example and that he has only ever done what he thought best for the country. But that case has been made publicly, day in, day out, for decades. Thais are not allowed to discuss in public the other side of the coin.

The Economist

The Economist -- The King and Them

Throughout this conflict, the great unmentionable, not just for the Thai press but also for most foreign reporters, has been the role of King Bhumibol, his family and their closest courtiers. The world’s most ferociously enforced law against lèse-majesté (offending the crown) prevents even the mildest discussion of the palace’s role in Thai public life. Such laws are mostly in disuse elsewhere, but Thailand’s was harshened in the 1970s. Absurdly, anyone can bring a lèse-majesté suit. The police have to take seriously the most trivial complaints. All this makes the law a useful tool for politicians and others seeking a way to damage their foes. Often, the press is not allowed to explain the nature of any supposed offence against the crown, so Thais have no way to tell whether it really was so disrespectful.

The lèse-majesté law is an outrage in itself. It should not be enforced in any country with democratic pretensions. Worse is that the law hides from Thais some of the reasons for their chronic political woes. For what the king himself calls the “mess” Thailand is in stems in many ways from his own meddling in politics during his 62-year reign (see article). In part, the strife also reflects jockeying for power ahead of the succession. With the king celebrating his 81st birthday on December 5th, that event looms ever larger.

Much of the story of how the king’s actions have hurt his country’s politics is unfamiliar because Thais have not been allowed to hear it. Some may find our criticisms upsetting, but we do not make them gratuitously. Thailand needs open debate if it is to prepare for the time when a less revered monarch ascends the throne. It cannot be good for a country to subscribe to a fairy-tale version of its own history in which the king never does wrong, stays above politics and only ever intervenes on the side of democracy. None of that is true.

The official version of Thai history dwells on episodes such as the events of 1992, when Bhumibol forced the resignation of a bloodstained dictator and set his country on course for democracy. But many less creditable royal interventions have gone underreported and are seldom discussed. In 1976, paranoid about the communist threat, the king appeared to condone the growth of the right-wing vigilante movement whose members later took part in the slaughter of unarmed student protesters. In the cold war America saw Bhumibol as a staunch ally and helped finance his image-making machine. This long-standing alliance and the fierce lèse-majesté law have led Western diplomats, academics and journalists to bite their tongues and refrain from criticism.

After the 2006 coup, the 15th in Bhumibol’s reign, officials tried to tell foreigners that protocol obliged the king to accept the generals’ seizure of power. Thais got the opposite message. The king quickly granted the coupmakers an audience, and newspapers splashed pictures of it, sending Thais the message that he approved of them. In truth the king has always been capable of showing his displeasure at coups when it suited him, by rallying troops or by dragging his feet in accepting their outcome. And he exerts power in other ways. Since 2006, when he told judges to take action on the political crisis, the courts seem to have interpreted his wishes by pushing through cases against Mr Thaksin and his allies—most recently with this week’s banning of the parties in the government.

No fairy-tale future
In the imagination of Thai royalists their country is like Bhutan, whose charismatic new king is adored by a tiny population that prefers royal rule to democracy. In reality, with public anger at the queen’s support for the thuggish PAD and the unsuitability of Bhumibol’s heir simmering, Thailand risks the recent fate of Nepal, which has suffered a bitter civil war and whose meddling king is now a commoner in a republic. The PAD was nurtured by the palace and now threatens to engulf it. An enduring image of the past few days is that of PAD toughs shooting at government supporters while holding up the king’s portrait. The monarchy is now, more clearly than ever, part of the problem. It sits at the apex of a horrendously hierarchical and unequal society. You do not have to be a republican to agree that this needs to be discussed.

As The Economist went to press, on the eve of the king's birthday, he was reported to be unwell, and unable to deliver his usual annual speech to the nation. So he had still not repudiated the yellow-shirts' claims to be acting in his name. His long silence has done great damage to the rule of law in Thailand. He could still help, by demanding, as no one else can, the abolition of the archaic lèse-majesté law and the language in the current charter that supports it, and so enable Thais to have a proper debate about their future. He made a half-hearted stab at this in 2005, saying he should not be above criticism. But nothing short of the law’s complete repeal will do. Thailand’s friends should tell it so.

The Economist

Riz Khan - Thailand's Political Turmoil

One of the first things you are sure to be told, in this least nationalistic of countries, is that Thailand has never been colonised. But look closer. Thailand has, in a sense, been colonised by its own middle class, many of whom live in this country like colonial settlers. As with all colonisers, they see the true centres of culture and education as being elsewhere (the US, Britain, etc). They send their children to school abroad; they try to look as western as possible (white = attractive, brown = unattractive). They have the coloniser's exasperation and disdain for the natives, who are treated with paternal benevolence provided they know their place. Poverty in this setting is an ongoing problem; it is not to be solved but is to remain ongoing, since good works provide the middle classes with their validation: moments of up-country, genuine "Thai-ness", before air-conditioned cars return them to their shopping malls.

To read the English-language Thai press is to appreciate the full depths of this disdain. From an article in the Nation (October 14 2008, before the airport takeover), written by Thanong Khantong, the Nation's editor, in favour of PAD's protests: "I don't see Thailand backtracking against the democratic process ... It is a joke to believe that the rural voters love or have a better understanding of democracy than the Bangkok middle class ... The foreign media and foreign experts must stop distorting Thai politics with their convenient definition of democracy." From earlier in the article: "A country can survive without democracy but it can't survive without law" ... "The politicians are the main problem and a liability in our democracy."

The last two quotes are what I mean by fascism, since I don't know what else you'd call it.

It is not possible to have contempt for democracy without first having contempt for people, since democracy is, after all, meant to deliver the people's will. Likewise, contempt for people, or at least for a significant section of a country's population, will eventually lead to a corroding of democracy. That corrosion is occurring now, and, here, at this moment in time, is what contempt gets you – a ring of used tampons around a statue and a shuttered-up economy. And a feeling, growing among many – the poor, the dismissed, the unnoticed – that rights taken from them will never be returned.

The Guardian

Why the King Supports PAD; Fears Thaksin

Thailand is facing its third and greatest crisis since World War II and by far the greatest test of its monarch's power. It is difficult for outsiders to comprehend how so revered but distant a leader can wield such extraordinary powers, despite his merely "constitutional" role and numerous other constraints on his action.

The secret is not in the innate role of the throne, but in the style of this particular king. Twice before, in 1974 and 1992, when mobs threatened state order in their demands for a more democratic polity, Rama IX, or Bhumibol Adulyadej, waited day upon day to test the resilience of those he sought to favor, and to see if those he opposed could be forced to fade.

In 1974, students demanded an end to a particularly third-rate triumvirate, who had nonetheless empowered enormous economic growth. After bloodshed reached an intolerable level, by Thai standards, the king sent all three packing - to Boston and Taipei. He'd known them well and worked through them but realized their time had passed. And the king's power grew immeasurably in that decisive move.

Similarly in 1992, students seized the high ground against a coup-installed military regime, and again only after several hundred deaths did the king summon the two contenders to the palace - and cause them literally to crawl on the carpet to the elevated place of the monarch, all but foretelling their agreement to his dispensation.

He waits anew. This time he has a bigger task: the damage to the economy and political system by two years of demonstrations is far greater, and his own goal is much bigger. He wishes to bury forever the prospects of the only political leader in his 50-year reign to stand up to him and attempt to supplant him - Thaksin Shinawatra, a self-made billionaire and former police general who developed a huge base in the Thai countryside through demagogic policies and increasingly strident opposition to the "forces of the status quo" - a direct jab at the throne itself.

In fact the current crisis is a bit more complicated, for there are three players, each a descendant of forces set in motion when the absolute monarchy was overthrown in 1932.

First, the monarchy. From 1932 until about 1963, 17 years after the present king's accession, the throne was a faint glimmer of past glory. A junta that had seized power in 1957 began to use Bhumibol, but he proved cannier in using them, and that has been the pattern. He is now old and frail but intends to stick around until he's won this final round.

Secondly, the direct descendant of a group of Mussolini-like semi-fascists who staged a coup in 1932 is not the army, but Thaksin himself.

From 1948 a third group of Thais emerged around a progressive promoter, Pridi Panomyong, who founded a great university and inspired young democrats, but who wasn't able to maintain power against the better-armed rightist group who restored themselves to power. Students abroad encouraged democratic roots in the kingdom, demanding reforms and elections in country-wide demonstrations late in 1973, forcing the king's hand to prevent chaos. They have matured - if we call it that - into the People's Alliance for Democracy, the PAD, which now occupies airports, government buildings and has brought business virtually to a standstill.

There was always, though, a permanent government of foreign-educated princes who, even today, keep a tight hold on power.

Thaksin overwhelmingly won the elections he contested. Why then are the "democrats" in such opposition to him? It would be tempting to say, with Lenin, that he is the "principal enemy." They suspect that if left to his own devices he would rule eternally. Tolerance has never been Thaksin's virtue.

His ability to elicit the animosity of the throne came naturally, given the enormous electoral mandate he acquired in the countryside. In a variety of ways he made known that the national adoration of the king was old-fashioned.

Bhumibol is a gentle man but he has never countenanced opposition gently. It was he who signaled the army to move in September 2006 to depose Thaksin. But the government all but placed in power by him failed to move in the way he desired.

Secondly, the "democrats" were never quite so pure. Of course there is a spectrum of views in the PAD, including some very virtuous professed democrats. But there are also unscrupulous party hacks that make the organization work. And most of the professedly "democratic" opposition haven't flinched at such trivial details as military coups, martial law, and whatever else needed to rid the country of Thaksin or his allies forever. Thaksin was seen as an illegitimate upstart.

International Herald Tribune

How to Land a 747 at San Francisco International Airport

A professional video of a 747 landing produced by Virgin Atlantic. There's a lot more involved than you might imagine.

Airline Websites and Today's Flights

Airlines are providing regular updates on flight status. Passengers can check at the following websites:

Air France and KLM Royal Dutch Airlines at www.klm.co.th

Air Asia at www.airasia.com

Air Astana at www.airastana.com

All Nippon Airways at www.ana.co.jp/eng

Bangkok Airways at www.bangkokair.com

British Airways at www.britishairways.com/travel/flightops/public/en_th

Cathay Pacific Airways at www.cathaypacific.com

EVA Airways at www.evaair.com

Japan Airlines at www.th.jal.com/en/

Lufthansa German Airlines at www.lufthansa.com

Malaysia Airlines at www.malaysiaairlines.com

Northwest Airlines at www.nwa.com

PB Air at www.pbair.com

Qantas Airways at www.qantas.com.au

Scandinavian Airlines at www.flysas.com/th

Singapore Airlines at www.singaporeair.com

Thai Airways International at www.thaiairways.com

United Airlines at www.unitedairlines.co.th

Thai Airways International will continues to operate special flights today (3 December) from U-Tapao and Phuket. .There are 30 special inbound and outbound flights for passengers with confirmed reservations on the following routes:

Twelve outbound flights from U-Tapao Airport:

TG 2099 U-Tapao – Phuket departure time at 1025.

TG 9509 U-Tapao – Copenhagen departure time at 0050

TG 3159 U-Tapao – Delhi departure time at 1950

TG 4179 U-Tapao – Kuala Lumpur departure time at 1640

TG 6069 U-Tapao – Hong Kong departure time at 1600

TG 6409 U-Tapao – Narita departure time at 2235

TG 6769 U-Tapao – Narita departure time at 1100

TG 9209 U-Tapao – Frankfurt departure time at 2340

TG 9939 U-Tapao – Sydney departure time at 1725

TG 6589 U-Tapao – Seoul departure time at 2345

TG 9169 U-Tapao – London departure time at 1330

TG 7949 U-Tapao–Osaka–Los Angeles departure time at 0300

THAI requests passengers with confirmed reservations, departing from U-Tapao to check-in at BITEC Exhibition and Convention Center, Bang-Na, seven hours prior to their flight departure. THAI will provide transportation between BITEC and U-Tapao Airport.

Two outbound Flights from Phuket International Airport:

TG 9859 Phuket – Perth departure time at 2350

TG 9229 Phuket – Frankfurt departure time at 1320



Meanwhile, there will be 15 Inbound Flights to U-Tapao Airport

TG 2109 Phuket U-Tapao arrival time at 1400

TG 9519 Copenhagen – U-Tapao arrival time at 0650 (4 December)

TG 3169 Delhi – U-Tapao arrival time at 0535

TG 9219 Frankfurt - U-Tapao arrival time at 0620 (4 December)

TG 9179 London – U-Tapao arrival time at 1555 (4 December)

TG 9119 London - U-Tapao arrival time at 0610 (4 December)

TG 9459 Rome – U-Tapao arrival time at 06.05 (4 December)

TG 6599 Seoul – U-Tapao arrival time at 1355 (4 December )

TG 4189 Kuala Pumpur – U-Tapao arrival time at 2205

TG 6419 Narita - U-Tapao arrival time at 1545

TG 6779 Narita - U-Tapao arrival time at 0040 (4 December)

TG 6439 Narita – U-Tapao arrival time at 1445

TG 9969 Sydney – U-Tapao arrival time at 2200

TG 6078 Hong Kong – U-Tapao arrival time at 2230

TG 6731 Osaka – U-Tapao arrival time at 0800

(Transportation will be provided for passengers between U-Tapao Airport and Building 5, THAI’s Head Office on Vibhavadi Rangsit Road)

One inbound Flight to Phuket International Airport

TG 9239 Frankfurt – Phuket arrival time at 1305 (4 December)

Thai Airways International’s flight schedule may change without notice. For further information on THAI’s flights and reservations, passengers may contact tel. 02-356-1111. For other information, passengers may contact tel. 02-545-4000 or visit www.thaiairways.com. or http://www.thaiair.com/"

Suvaranabhumi Flights Today

Airlines are already landing at Suvarnabhumi using limited services as the terminal building is out of commission.

Three flights landed this afternoon:

TG 2109, carried 351 passengers from Phuket landed at 1400.

Royal Jordanian Flight RJ180 landed with 60 passengers at 1525.

Bangkok Airways flight from Samui landed at 1620.

While the airport’s passenger terminal is not function , airlines use the THAI crew centre for immigration procedures.

On departures, Thai Airways and Bangkok Airways announced its flights details as follow:

THAI will have six flights scheduled for departure from Suvarnabhumi Airport on 3 December in the following details.

TG 9939 Suvarnabhumi – Phuket departs at 1725

TG 3159 Suvarnabhumi – Delhi departs at 1950

TG 6409 Suvarnabhumi – Narita departs at 2235

TG 9209 Suvarnabhumi – Frankfurt departs at 2340

TG 6589 Suvarnabhumi – Seoul departs at 2345

TG 9509 Suvarnabhumi – Copenhagen departs at 0050

Passengers are required to check-in these flights at the BITEC seven hours in advance of the departure time. Further information at Tel: 02 545 4000 or www.thaiairways.com.

Bangkok Airways Flight PG 171, Bangkok-Samui, departs Suvarnabhumi Airport at 1700. Passengers departing for Samui are requested to check in at Bangkok Airways’ Head Office (99 Vibhavadirangsit Road) at 1500 hrs where transfer will be arranged for all passengers.

For more information, call 1771, or 0-2265-8777 or log on www.bangkokair.com.

Morphing the Presidents

From George Washington To Barack Obama - A Long Way - video powered by Metacafe

Yes, Obama made the morph. Nice work here.

Flight Schedules

Airlines – where and when they will fly.

Thai AirAsia

The loc-cost airline will operate an extra flight from Chiang Mai to Kuala Lumpur departing 2000 and it plans an extra Chiang Mai-Singapore flight, to be announced later today. Passengers can contact 02 315 9810.

Jet Airways

Jet Airways will operate two flights from U-Tapao to India today

BKK-BOM departure 20.00. Buses will leave Bangkok at 1400 1 December.

BKK-CCU departure 00.01 hrs. Buses will leave Bangkok at 1700 on 1 December.

All passengers must contact the town office for confirmation rerouting and a check-in number. The phone number is 02 6968980 or 02 6968960. Passengers who do not contact the office and do not have a check in number will not be accepted.

Singapore Airlines

Singapore Airlines is operating a twice-daily service between U-Tapao and Singapore until 3 December.

Flights should depart U-Tapao at 1400 and 1900 local time.

SilkAir is operating additional flights from Phuket and Chiang Mai, to help move people who left Bangkok by bus. From Phuket, SilkAir is operating two flights, in addition to its current four daily until Wednesday at least Customers still in Bangkok, or who have transferred by bus to Phuket or Chiang Mai should contact Singapore Airlines at 02 353 6000 or +65 6223 8888 and provide contact details, so that they can be advised as seats become available on flights from Thailand. www.singaporeair.com

Emitrates, until 2 December:

Emirates flights EK384/385 Dubai-Bangkok-Hong Kong-Bangkok-Dubai are cancelled. Emirates flights EK372/373 Dubai-Bangkok-Dubai are cancelled. Emirates flight EK418 Dubai-Bangkok-Sydney is operating non-stop to Sydney. Emirates flight EK419 Sydney-Bangkok-Dubai is operating non-stop to Dubai. Passengers can choose to travel into or out of another airport that Emirates operates in the vicinity of Bangkok, such as Kuala Lumpur, Singapore or Hong Kong. Re-booking or re-issue charges will be waived, and the fare paid to/from Bangkok will be honoured for travel to/from the alternative airports. This re-routing is subject to seat availability and will be permitted until Emirates’ normal operations resume at Suvarnabhumi Airport. Passengers to/from Bangkok who do not wish to re-route will be re-booked on the first available flight when the airport re-opens.

Qantas

Qantas will operate relief flights between Phuket and Singapore tonight and early 3 December using a 297-seat A330-300 aircraft.

Passengers on these flights will be bussed from Bangkok to Phuket and then be booked on the first available Qantas and British Airways flights to Australia and the UK.

Jetstar

Jetstar would also operate its scheduled Melbourne- Bangkok service on 2 December but the flight will land in Phuket and passengers will be transferred to Bangkok by bus. In addition it will operate its scheduled three-times-a-week Sydney-Phuket services.

Etihads is operating an extra flight out of U-Tapao to Abu Dhabi. Lufthansa operates one extra flight from Phuket to Frankfurt. The two airlines ask passengers to directly contact the airlines’ offices at 02 253 0099 and 02 264 2400 respectively.